In Bihar, a deeply concerning situation has been reported involving the alleged targeting of Hindu girls by Christian missionaries, described as "Christian love jihad." This term, inherently controversial and loaded, is used to portray scenarios where young Hindu women are purportedly lured into relationships by Christian individuals, leading to forced marriages and subsequent conversions to Christianity. This phenomenon has reportedly become prevalent in the state, with multiple cases cited.

Koo App #Bihar: #Christian boy #John trapped a #Hindu girl #SunitaKhattar in love, later she eloped with him. She was brainwashed in such a way that she left her home and John’s family #converted her to #Christianity 30 days later. New type of jihad by missionaries also now. Join | t.me/SatyaagrahIndia View attached media content - Satyaagrah (@SatyaagrahIndia) 22 Nov 2023

The story of Sunita, a young woman from a Hindu family, is highlighted as a case in point. As the youngest sibling in a family with two brothers and a sister, Sunita's life took a dramatic turn at the age of 17. According to the narrative, her neighbor, identified as John, ensnared her in what is termed as a "love trap." This situation is described as so influential or manipulative that it led Sunita to leave her family. Following her departure, it is claimed that within 30 days, she was converted to Christianity by John’s family.

The narrative around Sunita's experience, framed within the context of "Christian love jihad," brings forth several complex issues. It raises questions about interfaith relationships, the autonomy of individuals in matters of personal relationships and faith, and the dynamics of religious conversion. The term "love jihad" itself is contentious, often viewed as a concept used to stoke communal tensions. As such, stories like Sunita's need to be approached with a critical perspective, considering both the personal aspects of those involved and the broader socio-religious implications. This case serves as a focal point for broader discussions on the interplay of religion, personal freedom, and societal norms in the diverse cultural landscape of India.

Another case similar to Sunita's has been reported in Bihar, involving a Hindu girl named Maya. According to the narrative, Maya fell prey to what is described as "Christian love jihad," where she was allegedly enticed into a relationship by a Christian boy, leading to marriage and her subsequent conversion to Christianity. Tragically, the story takes a further distressing turn as it is reported that after having two children, Maya was left by her husband.

This pattern of events, as highlighted in the cases of Sunita and Maya, points to a larger, concerning trend within the state. A sting operation by Dainik Bhaskar has brought to light that numerous girls in the Seemanchal area of Bihar have allegedly become victims of this so-called "Christian love jihad." The report suggests that areas with lower literacy rates are particularly targeted for these activities.

Additionally, there's an observable increase in the number of churches built in the Seemanchal region of Bihar, predominantly in villages as opposed to cities, between 1999 and 2005. This trend of focusing on rural areas for the establishment of churches could be indicative of a strategic approach in these alleged conversion activities.

The rise in such cases, as reported, raises critical concerns about the methods employed in these alleged conversions. The term "Christian love jihad" itself, though contentious, is being used to describe a pattern of behavior where religious conversion is intertwined with personal relationships. These incidents, if true, could reflect a manipulative approach to religious conversion, exploiting personal relationships for the purpose of changing one's faith. Such practices, if occurring as described, warrant a closer examination and response from both societal and legal standpoints, to ensure that personal freedoms and rights are not being unduly infringed upon.

The phenomenon described as "Christian love jihad" in Bihar is allegedly underpinned by a broader conspiracy, particularly targeting districts with lower literacy rates. Districts like Araria, Katihar, Kishanganj, Purnia, Bhagalpur, Madhepura, and Begusarai, which lag in literacy, are reportedly more susceptible to such practices. The implication is that the lower levels of education in these areas make it easier to influence or "brainwash" people, a strategy that is claimed to be orchestrated from Chennai.

In various zones of Bihar, individuals associated with schools and health centers are reportedly engaging in activities to gradually lure local residents into converting to Christianity. This process is alleged to be systematic and calculated, with the ultimate goal of establishing a stronger Christian presence in these areas. As the number of Christians in a particular area increases, the construction of churches follows, signifying a consolidation of this growing religious community.

This reported strategy raises serious concerns about the methods and intentions behind these alleged conversions. The targeting of less educated areas suggests a deliberate attempt to exploit vulnerabilities for religious conversion. The involvement of individuals from educational and health institutions in these activities, if true, adds another layer of complexity, potentially eroding trust in these essential community services.

The construction of churches in areas with a rising number of Christians, as claimed, points to a pattern of religious expansion that correlates with the alleged conversion activities. This situation, if accurate as described, warrants a deeper investigation into the motivations and methods behind these conversions, and the role of external influences from places like Chennai, as mentioned in the reports. Such practices, particularly if they involve manipulation or exploitation, would necessitate a critical response to ensure that religious conversions are a matter of personal choice and free from undue pressure or deceit.

60 per cent of Christians in Madhepura: A Disturbing Trend in Religious Demographics

In the district of Madhepura in Bihar, a dramatic shift in religious demographics has been observed. In many villages of this district, the Christian population has reportedly surged to between 40 to 60 percent. Tinkonwa village in the Murliganj block serves as a striking example of this trend. Despite being situated a considerable distance of 260 kilometers from Patna and being characterized by educational backwardness, this village of 1400 households has seen a significant rise in its Christian population.

The total population of this village stands at around 60 thousand. However, the number of churches established in the area is notably high, suggesting a concentrated effort to expand Christian influence. Additionally, a school up to the 8th grade and a hospital are run by missionaries, further indicating an organized approach to community engagement and conversion.

R Hambram and his wife, Lalita, are central figures in this process. They actively preach Christianity in the area. Lalita's own story mirrors the narrative of religious conversion through personal relationships. She shared that many boys in the area fell in love with Hindu girls, who later converted to Christianity for the sake of marriage. Lalita herself was once a Hindu who converted to Christianity after falling in love with Christian R Hambram, whom she subsequently married. She also disclosed that through prayer meetings and music, they actively encourage people to convert to Christianity.

This scenario in Madhepura, particularly in Tinkonwa village, raises critical questions about the nature and methods of religious conversion. The conversion of Hindu girls through romantic relationships, as described by Lalita, suggests a pattern that intertwines personal relationships with religious faith. The presence of missionary-run educational and health institutions, along with an increasing number of churches, indicates a strategic approach to religious conversion and community influence. The situation in Madhepura, especially with such a significant percentage of the population converting to Christianity, points to a need for understanding the dynamics at play in these conversions, ensuring that they are a result of genuine belief and choice, free from any coercion or manipulation.

Sarita, originally from Jharkhand, is another figure central to the narrative of religious conversions in Bihar. She and her husband have been actively encouraging people in Saharsa to convert to Christianity, a mission they are now continuing in Madhepura. Significantly, Sarita acknowledges the increasing trend of 'religious conversion after love marriage' in the region.

The process of conversion, as described, follows a specific and systematic pattern. A Hindu girl, upon marrying in the church, undergoes conversion to Christianity on the 32nd day after her wedding. The groundwork for this conversion begins much earlier, often ranging from six months to a year before the marriage. During this period, the girl is gradually introduced to the details of Christianity, including various rituals and tenets of the faith.

Investigations into this phenomenon have brought to light the extent of these conversions. In a span of just two years, it has been reported that between 30 to 50 households in the region have converted to Christianity. This significant number of conversions, particularly in a short timeframe, indicates a concerted effort to spread Christianity in these areas.

The methods used in these conversions, especially the systematic approach to introducing and inculcating religious beliefs in prospective converts, warrant attention. The acknowledgment by Sarita of the increasing instances of religious conversion following love marriages adds another dimension to the issue, intertwining personal relationships with religious faith.

Influential Families in the Area Also Converted to Christianity

In the ongoing narrative of religious conversion in Bihar, the case of Manoj's family stands out. Once a Hindu, Manoj, who now goes by the name Manoj Hambram, and his family have converted to Christianity. This change in religious identity extends beyond Manoj, as it's reported that his two sons have also played a role in furthering these conversions. According to accounts, they have each lured Hindu girls into relationships and subsequently converted them to Christianity prior to marriage.

This pattern of conversion does not end with the girls alone. It is now being reported that the families of these Hindu girls, once converted, are also embracing Christianity. A similar story emerges from Roshan Hambram, associated with the village church. He asserts a clear stance on interfaith relationships: if a Hindu girl loves a Christian boy, conversion to Christianity is a prerequisite for marriage.

Roshan Hambram's observation suggests that most girls who convert to Christianity as a result of these relationships are Hindus. He also comments that these conversions are not merely a consequence of romantic relationships; rather, he claims that Hindu girls are drawn to Christianity due to being influenced by its teachings from a young age.

This perspective brings to light a multifaceted approach to religious conversion, suggesting both personal relationships and early exposure to Christian teachings as contributing factors. The case of Manoj Hambram’s family, and similar stories in the region, highlight a significant shift in religious demographics, driven by a combination of personal choices and broader cultural influences. The claim that Hindu girls are taught Christian lessons from childhood points to a deeper level of religious interaction and integration, which could be shaping individual beliefs and choices in significant ways. This phenomenon, particularly in a region marked by religious diversity, calls for an understanding of how personal, familial, and cultural influences intersect in the realm of religious identity and conversion.

In Tikonwa village, part of Purnia, a case involving Thakur Soren highlights another dimension of the alleged conversion practices. Thakur Soren was reportedly enticed with the promise of land and subsequently converted to Christianity. Adding to the family's turmoil, his daughter also fell victim to what is being described as "love jihad." In her case, it is claimed that the Christian boy she married eventually left her.

The extent of these conversions is further exemplified by the gatherings at the local church in Tikonwa village. Every Sunday, about 150 individuals, all of whom have reportedly converted from Hinduism to Christianity, assemble at the church. This significant number underscores the depth of religious change within the community. One such example is the family of Chintu, who, in 2015, converted to Christianity, renouncing their Hindu faith. Post-conversion, their adherence to their new faith is strict: they no longer mention the names of Hindu gods and goddesses, visit temples, or partake in eating prasad (a religious offering). They believe that their conversion to Christianity brings joy to Jesus.

This narrative from Tikonwa village paints a picture of profound religious transformation within the community. The story of Thakur Soren and his family, as well as the broader phenomenon observed in the village church, indicates a pattern of religious conversion that extends beyond individual decisions. The conversions seem to entail not only a change of faith but also a complete dissociation from their former religious practices and beliefs.

The claim that Jesus is pleased when a Hindu converts to Christianity reflects a specific theological viewpoint and highlights the depth of belief among the new converts. It also raises questions about the nature of these conversions and the methods employed to encourage them.

Vivek Kumar, a representative of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), has voiced concerns over the increasing cases of Hindu girls converting to Christianity in the area. This statement reflects growing apprehensions within the VHP regarding the religious shift occurring in certain parts of Bihar. However, Kumar also highlights a counter-movement, noting that within the span of three years, about 2,500 people have reportedly returned to their original Hindu faith. This reversion indicates efforts by organizations like the VHP to encourage people to rediscover and reconnect with their Hindu roots, countering the trend of conversions to Christianity.

Jawahar Jha, the senior vice-president of the International Hindu Parishad Bihar, further adds to the discourse with a critical viewpoint. He asserts that the conversion of Hindus to Christianity acts as a "silent killer" for the country, pointing to the subtlety and quiet spread of these conversions which, according to him, fail to make headlines. Jha's statement implies that these conversions, while not always overtly visible or sensational, have a deep and lasting impact on the Hindu community and the country's religious landscape. He also identifies a specific target for these conversions: economically backward Hindu families. This targeting suggests a strategic approach, where those in vulnerable economic positions are seen as more susceptible to conversion efforts.

The perspectives of Vivek Kumar and Jawahar Jha underscore a significant concern within certain Hindu organizations about the changing religious demographics in Bihar, particularly the conversion of Hindus to Christianity. Their statements reflect a broader narrative of concern about religious conversions and their impact on the Hindu community and the nation. The mention of a substantial number of individuals returning to Hinduism highlights an ongoing religious tug-of-war in the region, with efforts from both sides to sway the beliefs and allegiances of the local population. This situation calls for a nuanced understanding of the complex interplay of religion, socio-economic status, and individual agency in matters of faith and identity.